Whatever we may think of this war with Iraq, I think, now it has started, that I can agree with all my readers in hoping it will be as short and as bloodless as we have been promised. Our thoughts must be for the safety of our men fighting in the Persian Gulf, and also, if in lesser degree, for the unfortunate Iraqis whom they have been sent out variously to kill or to liberate.
I see that Tony Blair has already started to benefit from this natural and expected stilling of criticism. Except in areas settled by unassimilated immigrants, the peace demonstrations have so far been less numerous and impassioned than was predicted. Elsewhere, opinion is moving steadily in support of the Government. If the war can be substantially over by the weekend after next, perhaps we shall see Mr Blair walking about again with some of his old self-assurance.
But while we must do nothing to endanger the lives of our men in the Persian Gulf, that is no reason to forget by what course of excuses and lies and gross diplomatic blunders they have been sent into danger—or to ignore any atrocities in which they may by their circumstances be required to participate.
I leave Mr Bush to his own people. The villain for us is Mr Blair. He has not given one shred of justification for this war. He has in no sense made out that Iraq is even a remote danger to the security of this country. Even on his stated—though shifting—grounds, of the need to uphold United Nations resolutions, or to bring peace to the world, or to free the Iraqi people from a tyrant, or to destroy the alleged funding of much Islamic terrorism, he has miserably failed to carry with him public opinion of any kind. If it is now moving towards him, that is purely the effect of an autonomous desire to make the best of things. He has treated all of us with shameless contempt. He has sent our armed forces into danger of their lives and honour with as much consideration as if they had been hired out by some 18th century German prince.
As I have repeatedly said, I am not concerned about the harm he is doing to the credibility of bodies like the European Union and the United Nations. Indeed, I regard this harm as a collateral good. But it is a good largely offset by the unnecessary hatred and ridicule into which he has brought this country, and the damaging of relations with wealthy and powerful countries with which it may not be useful to have too close alliances, but with which it is certainly not useful for us to be on terms of positive enmity.
Then there are the longer consequences of this war. If London is now to become a place of Islamic terrorist attacks, this will because of our joining in the war. So too with any attacks on British people and interests throughout the world. Nor may we reasonably complain if this happens. According to the newspapers I have seen today, much of the bombing in Iraq has been for the express purpose of killing the Iraqi President. Bearing in mind his past actions, his death is not one in itself to be contemplated with regret; and it might shorten the suffering of his wretched people. It is the wider consequences that are to be regretted. If it is acceptable for us to engage in political assassination, how on earth can we think it outrageous if others now follow our example?
Unless the war is longer and bloodier than promised, Mr Blair will have his respite from domestic criticism. But, while I cannot speak for others, I will not forget who has got us into this war, and with what shoddy reasons. The man is a warmonger. He is danger to the world and to us. There can be no rest in what must be regarded, once this war is over, as the main issue in British politics—which is to separate Mr Blair from the ability to use weapons of mass destruction, and to bring him to account if possible for his use of them to date.