From Free Life, Issue 27, September 1997
ISSN: 0260 5112

Politics is in a highly fluid state at present. Labour gets in with a crushing majority - winning seats that had always previously been Tory. A one-time Tory "wet", Chris Patten, extols the virtues of Hong Kong and its relatively modest public sector. Truly, we are living in the age of post-Modern politics, bringing with it a break-up of old allegiances. To borrow the terms of science writer Thomas Kuhn, we are living through a paradigm-shift in the political landscape.

Tim Evans, a sociologist by academic training, currently public affairs manager at the Independent Health Care Association, regular holder of LA soirees and all-round Good Guy, is a sharp-eyed observer of these recent political trends, and puts his insights to effective use in a timely analysis of Tory youth politics. The book, which has already been given some prominence in the press and elsewhere, seeks to show that a large number of "New Wave" Tory activists are strongly libertarian in their political orientation, highly individualistic, tolerant of diverse lifestyles, not particularly religious and very different from the false media image of racist, nationalist Hooray Henrys.

This is welcome, because journalists, including those sympathetic to the right, have for far too long presented young Conservative activists as rather unsavoury, neo-fascist rowdies whose main aim in life is to disrupt party conferences and become drunk at late-night parties. This, of course, is an image designed by some to smear individuals who by and large have a passionate commitment to individual liberty and are far removed from the statist, authoritarian mindset of previous generations.

The book covers the years 1970 to 1992, spanning the years from Edward Heath's administration, through the strike-ridden years of the Wilson/Callaghan period and the Thatcher/Major administrations. The context is a time in which a sustained, on-going intellectual assault was mounted on the State by libertarian and other thinkers such as Hayek, Milton Friedman and Robert Nozick, and during which capitalism was defended with renewed gusto by prominent politicians, starting with Margaret Thatcher herself. It was the era in which the "think tank" became part of the lexicon of politics - the era of the Institute of Economic Affairs, Adam Smith Institute, Centre for Policy Studies, and not least, the Libertarian Alliance itself.

Clearly, the extent to which the neo-liberal revolution has succeeded in Britain, and to a certain extent elsewhere, depends vitally on whether the current generation of young people have been affected and persuaded of libertarian ideas. Dr Evans' study shows that a large proportion of young Tory activists are strongly in favour of such ideas. And many of these activists will try to become professional politicians, academics, media workers and other parts of the "knowledge industry" It is inevitable, therefore, that as these young people move into various jobs, their ideas will be part of the intellectual landscape.

Dr Evans tries to demonstrate the march of Libertarianism through the Tory Party by use of surveys, questioning people on their views about class, religion, lifestyle freedoms, the monarchy, privatisation, the role of the state, private currencies, and other benchmark tests of where someone stands from a libertarian point of view. He also asks young Tories to identify political leaders, past and present, in terms of their "soundness" or "unsoundness".

The word "sound" comes up quite a lot in this book. By "sound", Dr Evans means that an idea or person is evaluated not by whether that idea is simply "right-wing", but to what extent that idea/person embodies individual liberty. So for example, the old, paternalist Tory would regard Harold MacMillan as a "sound" Tory, or Enoch Powell as "sound" because of his support for tough immigration controls. In contrast, the new Tory activist, influenced by Hayek and others, will regard privatisation and drug legalisation as "sound" ideas, and immigration controls, censorship and government planning - Harold Macmillan strongly favoured the latter - as extremely "unsound". Former Tory leadership contender John Redwood would be "sound" because of his work as an adviser on privatisation.

Tim Evans is well aware of the difficulties involved with such surveys. Parties are often coy about giving out membership details and the results of his surveys will inevitably present only an imperfect view, as Dr Evans acknowledges. Nevertheless, if my own experience as a political and financial journalist are any guide, Dr Evans' conclusion that a "New Wave" of strongly libertarian Tories are a serious force in the party accords with the facts.

The book also includes sections on the history of the Federation of Conservative Students and other young Tory groups which to varying degrees became platforms for libertarian views. The picture that emerges is one of extreme ideological vigour, of a sort which took many commentators, unused to right-wingers getting fired up on ideas, by surprise.

What is clear is that the FCS, National Association of Conservative Graduates and others have been invaluable in spreading libertarianism, encouraging young people to take ideas seriously and provide a vital counterpart towards young socialist organisations. Another factor that Dr Evans brings out is the importance of style in these organisations, particularly the FCS. The FCS outraged the left, not least because many FCS activists resembled young socialist activists. They often preferred casual dress, some came from working class or middle class backgrounds, had apolitical or left-wing parents, and had no sympathy with the paternalist traditions of their elders. The FCS and others also excelled in the pamphleteering techniques often used by the left, including the art of poster-making. Some posters deliberately aimed to shock, such as SUPPORT THE CUTS, showing a man cutting a woman's brassiere (my personal favourite).

In sum, an excellent book - very sound! By way of a parting shot, it is worth reflecting on what libertarians ought to do about influencing the Labour Party, particularly if Tony Blair wins the next election and looks to be in power for some time. The great advantage of libertarianism is its appeal to people who do not necessarily think of themselves as Tories. So maybe, in 20 years time, Tim Evans will write the story of how the young people in the Labour Party were affected by libertarian ideas. We live in hope.

Tom Burroughs